Chapter 2 Preindustrial Families and the Emergence of a Modern Family Form

Affiliate 2
Pre-Industrial Families and the Emergence of a Modern Family unit Form


CHAPTER OUTLINE:

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES ON THE FAMILY

Gimmicky families are changing in ways that advise to some that the family is in decline. Yet popular notions are based on misconceptions of how families lived in the past. Baca Zinn and Eitzen show how social forces and macro structures touch families and cause them to modify over fourth dimension. Today we volition examine White families in the premodern period (from the early on 1600�s to 1800) and the period of transformation to the modern family (1800-1850)

I. FAMILY LIFE IN COLONIAL AMERICA Relationships of White colonial families to the larger society produced unique patterns that tin can exist contrasted with family life in afterward periods. A. Macro Structural Conditions and Family Life Family life in the colonial U.S. was characterized past a mode of product called the family unit-based economy. All family members worked at productive tasks differentiated by sex and historic period. No sharp distinction was made between family unit and society. In addition to its economic chore, the family unit performed many functions that accept since been taken over past specialized institutions. Family matters were not considered private; instead, intervention by community members and the state was mutual.

B. Family unit Structure and Household Limerick Common wisdom once held that nuclear families emerged as a response to industrial society. Just historians and sociologists, using the family unit reconstitution method, have found that colonial families were typically nuclear in construction. Families tended to be larger than contemporary families, but smaller than the stereotypical portrayal.

C. Wives and Husbands In the early colonial period, marriages were arranged based on the social and economic purposes of larger kin groups. Romantic love was not wholly absent, but wedlock was more of a contractual agreement based upon a specific and precipitous gender-based sectionalization of labor. A shortage of women in this menstruum enhanced the condition of women, simply despite this, wives were unquestionably subordinate to their husbands.

D. Children Families of the premodern period reared large numbers of children, but household size was not very big considering childbearing extended over a long span of years. Children�s religious training was intensive and discipline severe. Babyhood was recognized as a separate stage of development, and children, like spouses, were viewed in economical terms. Social class and regional differences, however, are responsible for some variation in the lives of children.

II. THE EMERGENCE OF Mod FAMILY LIFE

Modern family unit life began to sally at he end of the eighteenth century and the beginning of the nineteenth. The ascent of the modern family unit accompanied the move of productive piece of work from the household to other settings. Households became smaller, more private, and families became idealized.

A. Macro Structural Changes and Family Life The master reason for changes in family patterns was industrialization. Employment in or near the home declined and was replaced by work in factories and shops. The catamenia of the family unit-wage economy began. No longer the center of production, families took on highly specialized functions of procreation, consumption, and child-rearing. The privatization of family living meant that individuals were less accountable to their communities for their behavior in families.

B. Agency, Adaptation, and Modify While family change has been presented as tied to macro social and economic modify, ii boosted themes are important: individuals were not passive victims of alter; and family arrangements shaped the emerging social order.

1. Responses to the Dilemma of Declining Country Families adapted the inheritance system to residual family desires with rapid population growth and industrialization.

2. How Families Shaped Lodge The family unit played an important role in society�s adaptation to industrialization by extended family unit business relationships and family alliances.

C. Household Construction and Household Size Transition to a wage economy facilitated smaller households by removing apprentices, artisans, boarders and lodgers. Servants were also less likely to be household members, except in upper- and eye - class families.

D. Wives and Husbands Romantic love and mutual affection replaced economic considerations in choosing marital partners. With industrialization, production was transferred exterior the family and activities split into the male globe of work and the female globe of the family. Working-form women continued their productive roles in the industrial labor force.

E. Children Attitudes nigh both children and child rearing practices inverse at this time. Children came to be viewed every bit different than adult: innocent, and with special needs. Children�south experiences were determined largely by the course and status o the family into which they were born. The privatization of families meat that children were brought up solely by parents.

F. Challenging a Singular Definition of the Family The modern family unit form emerged as a race-specific and class-specific organisation. Notwithstanding a uniform image of family unit has dominated the public retentiveness and has established that form equally normative for all families.



Practice Examination QUESTIONS:
Hareven'due south inquiry on patterns in family history has concluded that a.  families are passive victims of social alter. b.  community involvement is rare among early on colonial families. c.  in that location is non a continuous linear pattern of change among all families toward     a more than modern level. d.  all immigrant groups take similar patterns of adjusting to family life in the U.South.   The enquiry technique that brings together scattered information about family members in successive generations is referred to every bit a.  family unit revisionism. b.  aggregate data assay. c.  family genealogy. d.  family reconstitution.   All of the following were functional roles of the colonial family unit EXCEPT a.  family as schoolhouse. b.  family every bit church. c.  family as encumbrance. d.  family as business firm of correction.   Which of the following characterizes spousal relationship in the colonail period of U.S. history? a.  Romantic honey was the basis of the spousal relationship relationship. b.  Decision making was largely shared by the husband and the married woman. c.  Marriage was primarily an economic union. d.  Incompatibility and lack of affection were viewed as grounds for divorce.   The term primogeniture refers to a.  the likelihood that children from more than 1 marital matrimony would be      cohabitating in the same household. b. the public chastising of wayward individuals. c. the transfer of the family land to the oldest son. d.  none of the above.   The privatization of family living that accompanied industrialization resulted in a.  family activities being less observable to the larger customs. b.  a pass up in external social control over family beliefs. c.  the fostering of an ethic of private rights. d.  all of the above.   Which of the following is Not one of the effects of industrialization on heart-class women's roles? a.  Women became the moral guardians of the home. b.  Married women increased their participation in the public sphere. c.  Caretaking and nurturing became primary roles. d.  Women's and men's roles overlapped far less than in the preindustrial U.South.   Which of the following describes the status of women in oclonial and emerging modern families?  a.  During the colonial menses wives were subordinate to husbands but as teh mod      family emerged, relations became egalitarian. b.  During the colonial period spousal relations were egalitarian but women were subordinated with the emergence of the modern family unit. c.  During both periods relations were patriarchal, with wives subordinate to their husbands. d.  None of the in a higher place.      


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